Conference 18 Abstracts
Association for the Study of Dreams
|
Dream Odyssey
UCSC Santa Cruz, California, USA
|
ABSTRACT
Title:
Post-traumatic
Nightmares in Kuwait Following the Iraqi Invasion
Deirdre
Barrett, Ph.D.
Harvard Medical School
For
author bio, please see other two 2001
submissions.
Short
abstract:
This paper will first review Arabic and Moslem beliefs about
dreaming with their strong emphasis on foretelling the future. Then we
will describe post-traumatic stress disorder in Kuwait following
the Iraqi invasion and occupation of 1990-91, especially the
recurring nightmares which involve both literal and metaphoric
repetitions of the traumas of that period. Finally, we will describe how the two interact to make Kuwaiti
post‑traumatic nightmares even likelier to provoke anxiety that
the event will occur again
than in other cultures.
Muhammad received his notice that he was "the greatest of
all prophets" in an epic dream of being guided by the angel Gabriel
through the seven celestial spheres, conferring with Abraham and Jesus
along the way, and returning to earth to write it as his 65 page Nocturnal
Journey. Later, much of the Koran was also revealed to Muhammad in
his dreams. Every morning, Muhammad and his disciples would share and
interpret dreams. Muhammad ordered the practice of adhan--the
daily call to prayer from the minarets and a central ritual of Islam to
this day--after one of his followers dreamed of it. (Van de Castle,
1994) The split of Islam
into the conflicting factions of Sunni and Shi'ite was based partly on a
dream of Mohammed, which the Sunnis used to justify their rights as his
successors. (MacKenzie, 1965)
Secular Arabic traditions have always emphasized the potential of
dreams to foretell the future. There
is believed to be great likelihood that they may literally come true,
but there have also been elaborate constructions of symbolic
translations of what dream symbol may foretell what waking life event.
These were originally oral traditions, but were set down by tenth
century scholar, Achmet. In his Oneirocriticon (1991), seemingly
traumatic dream events could foretell beneficial outcomes as in
the
following:
If someone dreams that he died, he will serve a great source of
power and be wealthy, although he will suffer from ophalamia because
death cuts off the sight...(p. 140)
If
someone dreams that he was decapitated in battle, he will receive
benefience from a powerful man...(p.129)
Minor
dream events could also denote waking tragedies:
If
he dreams that a front tooth fell out, the closer of his kin will
die...(p. 108)
If
he dreams that his fingernails were pulled out, the misfortune will be
even more severe, and this points to a short life...(p. 113)
Dream divination continues to be taken very seriously in this
century. The
autobiographies of prominent Muslim figures often contain extensive
dream diaries and examples of decisions ostensibly based on dreams.
One example was when the Shah of Iran was deciding whether to
seek a loan from Russia:
He
dreamed that a famous theological figure dressed in primitive Muslim
garb approached the Shah and threw at his feet a sack containing gold
and silver. The fairly
obvious interpretation of this dream was that the Shah shouldn't make
any new loans with unbelievers but should trust that his subjects and
fellow servants of the faith would restore his finances. (van de Castle,
1994)
Kuwait is a small, affluent Moslem Arabic nation which partakes
of the traditions and beliefs described above but which is also somewhat
more westernized than most of its neighbors.
On August 2, 1990 the Iraqi army swept into Kuwait, with heavy
fighting and causalities the first day and then complete military rule
by the Iraqis including a dusk to dawn curfew for the next six months.
Torture and executions were used to obtain information about resistance
activities. Often family
members were made to witness rapes and executions. Bodies were left in
conspicuous public places with orders to not to remove for hours to
days. Even those who experienced no direct harm to themselves or their
families lived with a constant sense of danger.
Kuwait now has a POW situation similar to the one in the U.S.
after the Vietnam war. Hundreds of Kuwaitis are missing who were
arrested by the Iraqis. Families
cling to the hope that they are being held alive in Iraq. Kuwaitis
continue to be injured and killed at the most unexpected of times by the
land mines which remain in the desert and beaches of Kuwait. The October
1994 massing of Iraqi troops on the border has renewed fears of future
invasions.
Kuwait presents an opportunity to observe the effects of a
specific trauma more directly than in many situations. Many war traumatized areas have had
multiple overlapping
conflicts going on within their borders for decades, most have extreme
poverty and medical illness, and many are beginning to see a long list of
social problems secondary to the war. Kuwait was secure, politically and socially stable, has excellent
medical care and education and trhe effects of the Iraqi occupation
appear in relative isolation.
Four years after the Iraqi invasion and occupation of Kuwait, 27%
of Kuwaitis are suffering from post‑traumatic stress disorder, as
high as 86% in an adult clinical population and children are
experiencing variety of behavior problems typical of trauma exposure.
(Al-Hammadi et al, in press; Staehr et al, in press) A recent
survey found that 66% of those with
diagnosable PTSD and 22% of other Kuwaitis are dreaming about traumatic
events of the occupation. (Interim report to the United Nations)
Many Kuwaitis are having classic Post‑traumatic Stress
nightmares involving literal repetitions of atrocities which they
witnessed with only minor distortions as have been described in other
trauma populations. (van der Kolk et al, 1984)
One
dreamer had a brother fighting in the resistance, she heard that he had
killed Iraqi soldiers by sniper fire. She had the following recurring
recurring nightmare:
We are
at home and the Iraqis come to the house. They break the windows and
storm in, searching everywhere and demand to know where he [the brother]
is. My two little children
are crying. One soldiers is pointing gun at each of our heads one by
one, saying he will shoot us if we do not tell where he is hiding, we do
not know. The soldier pulls
the trigger and shoots my son, then my daughter. I wake up screaming.
In
real life, they came into
the house almost like this, and did hold gun to everyone's head while
they asked about my brother. But they never shot anyone, they finally
left. My brother has never
come home, I think they found him and shot him, but my mother believes
he is a POW in Iraq.
Others have nightmares which are more metaphoric representations
of the occupation. Some
also show an evolution of mastery in their dreams such as Cartwright
(1991) has described. For
example, one young woman had a recurring nightmare throughout the
occupation in which she was riding in the elevator of a high rise
building along with many people. The
elevator cord would break, plunging the elevator several floors and then
dangling by a thread with the terrified passengers not knowing how they
could get off before the cord would break and plunge them to their
deaths. The dreamer would
wake in terror at this point. After the liberation, changes occurred
with each repetition of the dream with most recent repetition ending in
rescuers coming to help people climb to safety through a door in the top
of the elevator.
Children were even more likely to have recurring nightmares.
As Terr (1990) and Nador (in press) have observed in other
traumatized children, during and shortly after the trauma their dreams
were likeliest to contain material directly related to their ordeal.
During the occupation, one six year old boy whose father was
being held prisoner by the Iraqis had the following dream as recounted
by his mother:
He
dreamed about the Iraqi soldiers attacking his father, they cut his ears
and blood was everywhere. After
that they threw him in a ditch and the father was calling out for his
son to help him by pulling the rope to pull his father out of the hole. But the boy could not help and his father fell back into the
ditch screaming. He was so
affected by the dream that whenever he would tell it, he would begin
crying and feeling sad for his father.
The
mother had attempted to reassure the boy by telling him of the Arabic tradition that blood in dreams means they will never happen and that
dream events can sometimes predict their own opposite. She did not tell him, as a western parent might, that it was
"only a dream" or
suggest that his worry
about his father caused the dream. Instead, she reframed it as a potentially positive prediction.
These nightmares ceased several months after his father was
released, but returned four years later at the age of 10 when the Iraqi
troops were again massing at the border.
Another boy, age 7, dreamed repeatedly during the occupation that
Saddam Hussain was chasing him down a street with a knife trying to kill
him and he would awaken screaming. After the occupation, he would have dreams that he and his
father--sometimes with other Kuwaiti men and
boys--would come upon Saddam and fall on him with knives and
kill him. These dreams would not frighten him but rather he would
recount them with pleased excitement.
Moslem and Arabic folk beliefs about dreams focus so exclusively
on using them to foretell the future that there is little of the
assumption--taken as a given in western
traditions--of dream content arising from the dreamer's
past. Therefore, many
classic repetitive post-traumatic dreams are likelier to arouse
anticipation that the event
will occur again and increase the survivor's anxiety level even more than they might in other cultures. (see Barrett, in press)
Westernized Kuwaitis with some respect for social science are
glad to have information that people in other traumatized situations
consistently have recurring
dreams about those traumas without those traumas being destined to be
repeated. It would not as easily make much difference to fundamentalist
anti‑western dreamers.
There is, of course, a positive side to this emphasis on dreams foretelling
the future in a kind of dream not so far discussed: those of positive
outcomes dreamed during trauma. These
are a source of much inspiration that serves to mitigate trauma in this
society, while in western tradition they would be dismissed as
"wish fulfillment" without the beneficial impact. One fundamentalist religious woman reported seeing the invasion
in a dream several days
before it happened and hearing the voice of Allah telling her she would
need to be strong for her people during this time. She then dreamed of
the invaders being driven out--specifically getting up from a half eaten
meal and running out of a house--which she reports is exactly what she
eventually witnessed in the house across the street from her which had
been taken over by Iraqi soldiers during the occupation. Other Kuwaitis tell less dramatic stories of simply dreaming of
the city functioning normally, of the Iraqis not being there, and taking
comfort in this as a prediction that the occupation would end.
References
Achmet.
(1991) The Oneirocriticon: A Medieval Greek and Arabic Treatise on
the Interpretation of Dreams. Trans. & Ed. S Oberhelman.
Lubbock, Texas: Texas Tech University Press.
Al-Hammadi,
A; Makhawi, B. and Al‑Shereedah, S. (In press) Behavioral
abnormalities of Kuwaiti children due to Iraqi invasion, Journal of
Traumatic Stress.
Barrett,
D. (In press) Introduction in Trauma and Dreams, D. Barrett
(Edit). Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA.
Cartwright,
R. (1991) Dreams that work: the relation of dream incorporation to
adaptation to stressful events, Dreaming: The Journal of the
Association for the Study of Dreams, Vol 1 , p. 3-9.
Corbin,
H. (1966) The Visionary Dream in Islamic Spirituality. In The Dream
in Human Societies, ed. G. von Grunebaum and R. Caillois. LA:
Univeristy of California Press.
Fahd,
T. (1966) The Dream in Medieval Islamic Society. In The Dream in
Human Societies, ed. G. von Grunebaum and R. Caillois. LA:
Univeristy of California Press.
Lecerf,
J. (1966) The Dream in Popular Culture: Arab and Islamic. In The
Dream in Human Societies, ed. G. von Grunebaum and R. Caillois. LA:
Univeristy of California Press.
MacKenzie,
N. (1965) Gods and demons. Chpt. 2 in Dreams and Dreaming. NY,
NY: Vanguard Press.
Nador,
K. (In press) Children's
Traumatic Dreams. Chpt. in Trauma and Dreams, D. Barrett (Edit).
Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA.
Rahmanh, Fazlur. (1966) Dream, Imagination, and Alam al‑mithal. In
The
Dream in Human Societies, ed. G. von Grunebaum and R. Caillois. LA:
Univeristy of California Press.
Staehr,
A.; Staehr, M.; Behbehani, J. and Boejholm, S. (In press) Treatment
of War Victims in the Middle East. International Rehabilitation for
Torture Victims.
Terr,
L. (1990) Repeated Dreams, Chpt in Too Scared to Cry. NY: Basic
Books.
van
de Castle, R. (1994) Dreams
that have changed the world. Chpt 2 in Our Dreaming Mind, NY, NY:
Ballantine.
van
der Kolk, B.; Blitz, R.; Burr, W; Sherry, S, and Hartmann, E. (1984)
Clinical characteristics of traumatic and lifelong nightmare sufferers. American
Journal of Psychiatry, 141: 187-190.
von Grunebaum, G. E. (1966) The Cultural Function of the Dream as
Illustrated by Classic Islam. In The Dream in Human Societies,
ed. G. von Grunebaum and R. Caillois. LA: Univeristy of California
Press.
|